By William G. Jordan
In the course of international battle I, the publishers of America's crusading black newspapers confronted a tough trouble. would it not be higher to boost the pursuits of African american citizens through asserting their patriotism and providing aid of President Wilson's conflict for democracy in Europe, or may still they call for that the govt take concrete steps to prevent the lynching, segregation, and disfranchisement of blacks at domestic as a in their participation within the conflict? This learn in their efforts to unravel that problem deals very important insights into the character of black protest, race relatives, and the position of the click in a republican method. William Jordan indicates that sooner than, in the course of, and after the conflict, the black press engaged in a fragile and unsafe dance with the government and white America--at instances making calls for or preserving company, occasionally pledging loyalty, sometimes giving in. yet even supposing others have argued that the black press compromised an excessive amount of, Jordan demonstrates that, given the situations, its strategic mix of protest and lodging was once remarkably potent. whereas resisting power threats of censorship, the black press continually labored at instructing the US concerning the desire for racial justice.
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Additional resources for Black Newspapers and America's War for Democracy, 1914-1920
He encouraged blacks to arm themselves in self-defense, criticized incompetent police and racist judges, and even warned of a bloody race war while avoiding discussion of the rape myth. 35 It is tempting to characterize the southern black press as accommodationist and its northern counterpart as militant, as some contemporaries did. New South prophet and Atlanta Constitution editor Henry Grady, for example, labeled a group of mostly northern black editors ‘‘Afro-American Agitators’’ because of their persistent and intense agitation for equal rights.
The often chose him to represent the organization before important white oﬃcials, including the president of the United States. His visit to the Oval Oﬃce in February illustrates his talents but also shows how his approach diﬀered from Trotter’s. Johnson led a delegation to the White House to plead for clemency for courtmartialed black soldiers and ask Wilson to speak out against lynching. After Johnson made his measured appeal, the president sat back in his chair in a relaxed posture and engaged Johnson and the other delegates in a ‘‘sociable manner,’’ reminiscing about his youth in the South and discussing the issue of the soldiers and the problem of lynching.
70 The organization’s white leaders, who wanted to have at least one visible black founder, chose Du Bois because of his brilliance as a scholar and his eloquence as a writer and perhaps also because he seemed more willing to placate whites than other militant journalists like Trotter and Ida B. Wells, both of whom were kept at arm’s length. 72 In spite of white interference, Du Bois spoke out for black equality and against racism in a clear and militant voice. 73 Yet his proximity to white people altered the dynamic of his eﬀort.