By Leonard Novy
Read or Download Britain and Germany Imagining the Future of Europe: National Identity, Mass Media and the Public Sphere PDF
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The reunification of Germany in 1989 could have positioned an finish to the test in East German communism, yet its old evaluation is way from over. the place lots of the literature during the last 20 years has been pushed via the will to discover the connection among energy and resistance, complicity and consent, more moderen scholarship has a tendency to pay attention to the typical heritage of East German electorate.
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Extra resources for Britain and Germany Imagining the Future of Europe: National Identity, Mass Media and the Public Sphere
A political order, which is entitled to limit national sovereignty and take decisions directly impinging on citizens’ lifes and individual freedoms without the prior and individual approval of each national government, presupposes the willingness of minorities to accept the decisions of the majority within the boundaries of this order. There has to be a high level of civic trust and social integration, a ‘sense of belonging’ (Risse 2004a: 166). If this identification is not attained, Chryssochoou states, the ‘Union will remain in limbo between a system of democratic governments and a democratic system of governance, or between a collection of separate national demoi and the breaking of a new, transnational demos’ (Chryssochoou: 2001: 175).
2000). CDA has been criticized for its putative lack of methodological rigour and is, indeed, not appropriate for large volumes of data (see Waever 2004: 201). However, as Howarth (2000: 132) points out, ‘there are no purely algorithmic methods and procedures of social science investigation’. This is especially true for the logic and concepts of discourse analysis. Quantitative analyses can be criticized for their lack of depth and are, indeed, often limited by the extent to which they are capable of fully capturing the complex processes by which the mass media both influence and reflect social problems and the public agenda.
It is not a state and, even if it were, it could not be categorized as a nation state (see van Gerven 2005: 38–41). What is more, its evolution into a full-blown supranational state is neither a realistic prospect at the moment nor necessarily its final outcome. But, the EU features a number of state-like institutions and symbols: a currency, a central bank, a parliament, a civil service, a supreme court, a military staff, a diplomatic corps, even a flag and an anthem. It is here that the central difference between the EU and ‘ordinary’ international treaties lies.