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By Leonard Novy

Recounting the gripping story of Europe's quest for a structure surveying occasions from Joschka Fischer's ground-breaking Quo-Vadis speech at Berlin's Humboldt collage in 2000, to the failed referendums in France and the Netherlands fiver years later, this ebook addresses a comparatively new point in european experiences: the significance of public verbal exchange for bridging the legitimacy dilemmas of ecu integration. via research of newspaper assurance at the debate over the way forward for Europe in nice Britain and Germany among 2000 and 2005, this publication explores how nationwide identities have interaction with, and are reproduced in, the discursive building of the way forward for the ecu and in doing so, it presents strong insights into Europe's rising communicative space(s). the result of the 3 case reports recommend that the talk surrounding the way forward for Europe touche the center of a eu building, which exposes contradictory connotations and expectancies whereas additionally highlighting that completely various ontological assumptions exist in Germany and the united kingdom. the consequences for the "European Public Sphere' are critical as whereas verbal exchange throughout borders doesn't require consensus, it presupposes a standard figuring out of the problems at stake.

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Extra resources for Britain and Germany Imagining the Future of Europe: National Identity, Mass Media and the Public Sphere

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A political order, which is entitled to limit national sovereignty and take decisions directly impinging on citizens’ lifes and individual freedoms without the prior and individual approval of each national government, presupposes the willingness of minorities to accept the decisions of the majority within the boundaries of this order. There has to be a high level of civic trust and social integration, a ‘sense of belonging’ (Risse 2004a: 166). If this identification is not attained, Chryssochoou states, the ‘Union will remain in limbo between a system of democratic governments and a democratic system of governance, or between a collection of separate national demoi and the breaking of a new, transnational demos’ (Chryssochoou: 2001: 175).

2000). CDA has been criticized for its putative lack of methodological rigour and is, indeed, not appropriate for large volumes of data (see Waever 2004: 201). However, as Howarth (2000: 132) points out, ‘there are no purely algorithmic methods and procedures of social science investigation’. This is especially true for the logic and concepts of discourse analysis. Quantitative analyses can be criticized for their lack of depth and are, indeed, often limited by the extent to which they are capable of fully capturing the complex processes by which the mass media both influence and reflect social problems and the public agenda.

It is not a state and, even if it were, it could not be categorized as a nation state (see van Gerven 2005: 38–41). What is more, its evolution into a full-blown supranational state is neither a realistic prospect at the moment nor necessarily its final outcome. But, the EU features a number of state-like institutions and symbols: a currency, a central bank, a parliament, a civil service, a supreme court, a military staff, a diplomatic corps, even a flag and an anthem. It is here that the central difference between the EU and ‘ordinary’ international treaties lies.

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